and French Muslims
Two hundred years ago, in one
of his lesser-known demonstrations of megalomania,
Napoleon, who had morphed in
a few short years from a servant of the French Republic to emperor, reconvened
what he called the Great Sanhedrin — a name taken from the governing body of the
Jewish community under the Roman Empire. This council of French Jewish leaders
was summoned to resolve a series of issues left unsettled since the French
Revolution.
In September 1791, the
National Assembly had granted Jews full citizenship, making
But legal emancipation is not
social emancipation. Complaints that the Jews were stuck in their old ways
persisted, particularly in
To find out if there was
something in Jewish law and custom preventing integration, Napoleon summoned a
council of Jewish leaders and put to them 12 questions about Jewish laws and
customs. To modern eyes, these questions combine ignorance, condescension and
insensitivity. One was: Are Jews allowed to have more than one wife? Another:
Can a Jew marry a Christian?
But the more important
questions related to the transition a marginalized people were making to a new
idea of citizenship: Jews born in
In response to Napoleon's
questions, 200 years ago this month, a group composed of 71 leading rabbis and
businessmen met in the Hotel de Ville in Paris to deliberate on their responses
and present them to the emperor. Their answers stated what is now considered
obvious, that there was nothing inherent in the religion preventing full
integration of the Jewish community into French life. Twelve months later, by
imperial decree, the Jewish confession was brought under state control. Jews
were obligated to take French names and had to apply annually for a license to
do business.
And here is where the story
is relevant to our times. French public opinion about Muslims today echoes
public opinion about Jews 200 years ago. "They" are not integrating, "they"
remain separate. Recently, after much legal wrangling, a Muslim school opened in
When a French Muslim student
is forbidden to wear a hijab to school it excites debate about the meaning of
secularism in
And, although modern
politicians would not be so insensitive as to put the questions as bluntly as
Napoleon, it is not difficult to imagine French cabinet ministers (or cabinet
ministers in any European country) wondering about the role of imams in deciding
legal matters in the Muslim community; or, given the radical movements sweeping
global Islam, wanting to ask young Muslims whether they regard the French as
their brothers or strangers? And, to whom do they owe first allegiance, their
country or their faith?
On March 11, in the same
exceptionally grand room at the Hotel de Ville where their forefathers met,
French Jews marked the bicentenary of that event. The words on every speaker's
lips were integration and community and patriotism and faith. Speaker after
speaker testified that all were compatible with one
another.
Sitting in the back of the
hall, as the ceremony reached its conclusion with the French Army's choir
singing La Marseillaise, a couple of thoughts and one question came to
mind.
The price of integration for
the minority was not cheap. The practice of Judaism today would be
unrecognizable to the recently emancipated Jews of Napoleon's time. Those
changes were made necessary by the requirements of integration. Second, there
has always been a section of the French majority that has rejected Jewish
attempts at integration. Yet despite the Dreyfus Affair and the Holocaust,
French Jewish patriotism was undiminished.
The question was: Could one
imagine a ceremony at the Hotel de Ville in 200 years where the Muslim community
reaffirms its commitment to French definitions of secularism, integration, faith
and patriotism?
Michael Goldfarb is currently writing a history of Jewish Emancipation from the French Revolution to the Dreyus Affair.
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